Russia

 - introduction

Local content in Russia is, like much of the country's regulatory terrain, murky. Foreign investors have to contend with the intensely politicised nature of the Russian energy industry and the Kremlin's use of oil and (particularly) gas an instrument of foreign policy. At the domestic level, a combination of intense 'resource nationalism' and elite acquisitiveness makes outside investment into the sector fraught with a number of risks. The TNK-BP affair, in which Russian corporate raiders seized control of the country's third-largest oil company with the apparent acquiescence of the Russian government, is an object lesson in the dangers of doing business there. It follows the Sakhalin affair in which Shell was forced to cede control of its operations to the state-owned giant Gazprom, which is often seen as an arm of the Russian state.

Dimitri Medvedev, president since May 2008, raised hopes that he would be a more liberal ruler than his predecessor Vladimir Putin. However aside from a few cosmetic changes, very little has changed. With Mr. Putin now prime minister, this is unsurprising. The Kremlin continues to view foreign investors as potential threats to national sovereignty.

This aggressive approach has raised the question of whether local content is even an issue in Russia. If Russian firms control most operations, will there be a need for legislation regulating the conduct of outsiders? Might it even seem an affront to Russia's technical capabilities?

Closer analysis reveals that this is not entirely true. Local content provisions do exist in Russian law, but the terminology is so vague that actual local content clauses are negotiated in each contract.

In existing PSAs, local content requirements are, if anything, becoming more stringent. International operators are expected to employ a diverse range of strategies to ensure their projects bring stable and sustainable growth to Russian communities. This includes "unbundling" of contracts and price preferencing for local contractors but focuses most strongly on micro-changes to procurement policy – ensuring indigenous firms are as informed and capable of bidding and competing for contracts as the international suppliers.

This practice is viewed by many independent observers as something of a "seal-of-good-housekeeping", in the sphere of local content. For whilst procurement policy changes are more expensive and do not yield results as immediately as price preferencing, they do not encourage inefficient firms to rely on Russian content laws as a form of subsidy. In terms of creating sustainable development in which native players compete on a level playing field with multinationals, this is crucial.

Such free-market pragmatism may seem at odds with Russia's energy nationalism. But in reality the Kremlin quietly acknowledges the massive defects in Russia's indigenous industry. The Soviet-era infrastructure is decaying and in need of enormous investment – around $1 trillion. The dire shortage of skilled engineers, meanwhile, creates bottlenecks in the labour market. This becomes an especially pressing issue when one considers that much of Russia's untapped energy reserves are in places – such as remote parts of Siberia and the frozen Arctic – which can only be accessed through sophisticated technical capabilities. Local content will help to build Russia's homegrown ability to tap these supplies.

The future course of local content in Russia will depend largely on the direction which the Kremlin takes. Aggressive nationalism will undoubtedly raise the barriers for entry to the energy market, whilst a failure to impose the rule of law will exacerbate existing uncertainty about the country's commitment to honouring its contracts. The TNK-BP and Sakhalin affairs show that Russian companies, with the backing of the Russian state, are willing to rewrite contracts if they appear to be a threat – to Russia's national interests or to oligarchic control.

Latest
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